2008年5月27日星期二

中国领导人:在谁眼里是陌生人?


China's prime minister doesn't play traditional role of officials


By ANDREW JACOBS
The New York Times


http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/nationworld/2004430869_wen22.html


He is widely known as "the crying prime minister," although he prefers to be called "Grandpa Wen."
Over the past week, as Wen Jiabo toured earthquake-shattered northern Sichuan, he has hollered words of encouragement to those trapped beneath fallen buildings and shared tearful moments with orphans.
Since ascending to the post of prime minister in 2003, Wen, 65, has cultivated an image as a man of the people, a rarity in the pantheon of Chinese leaders, who are often seen as placing the authority of the Communist Party above the wants of individuals.
Now, as the nation grapples with its greatest natural disaster in three decades, Wen's persona as an empathetic, benevolent official has been cemented in popular lore.
He has become the public and inescapable face of a nation's grief since he arrived in the Sichuan Province less than two hours after the quake struck.
His high-profile humanitarian gestures, played again and again on television, have stood in stark contrast to the response of the rulers of Myanmar, who have been widely denounced for inaction toward the cyclone victims.
"He really loves the common people, and we can see this is not an act," said Wang Liangen, 72, a retired math teacher from Dujiangyan, who watched last week as the prime minister climbed over the wreckage of a school where hundreds of children were buried. "He has brought the people closer together, and brought the people closer to the government."
Some analysts say Wen's unusually public role may signal at least a modest shift in the way the Communist Party interacts with the citizenry.
"His quick response and immediate appearance will set a precedent for other officials," said Fang Ning, a political scientist at the China Academy of Social Science in Beijing.
Wen and his boss, President Hu Jintao, do seem inclined to show the world a kindler, gentler side of official China in advance of the Olympic Games.
After the international backlash over China's crackdown on ethnic Tibetans, the leaders have used the quake to show their authoritarian government can be responsive, even populist, at crucial moments.
"I think the earthquake really has the potential to change things," said Cheng Li, a senior fellow of the Brookings Institution, who argues that Wen — whose second appointed term expires in 2012 — is one of China's brightest and most pragmatic modern leaders.
Even before his performance in Sichuan, he said Wen was a champion for China's have-nots, an advocate of broadening the use of legal norms to help govern the country, and a bulwark against conservatives.
"A lot of Chinese have been overwhelmed by Wen and his sincerity, honesty and humanity," Li said. "Not many leaders have his qualities."
Wen often talks about democracy but is not a proponent of Western-style reforms. He remains an unwavering advocate of single-party rule, and he has taken a hard line on Tibet, blaming the Dalai Lama for instigating ethnic Tibetan unrest in March.
In public statements, he has said China is not afraid to use its military might to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence.
Despite Wen's well-tended image as an apolitical pragmatist, cynics note he did not earn his lofty post by playing nice.
"It takes a considerable amount of political skill and cunning to become premier of China," said Fred Teiwes, a professor of Chinese politics at the University of Sydney in Australia.
Wen is nothing if not the consummate survivor. A lifelong technocrat, he made his way to the top by pleasing his superiors, hewing to the party line and making few enemies.
A trained geologist who comes from a family of teachers, he served as a top aide to successive party bosses, Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang in the 1980s. Both leaders were purged after opposing harsh crackdowns on liberals, but Wen went on to serve in senior posts under more conservative successors.
As with most Chinese leaders, much about him remains a mystery. But he presents himself as self-effacing and penurious.
In contrast to Hu, an opaque and aloof statesman, Wen favors a colloquial speaking style, even if his comments always hew closely to the party script. Unlike his predecessor, Zhu Rongji, who was known for his jocular manner and snap decisions, Wen, when faced with tough economic-policy choices, will often spend days ruminating and consulting before deferring to fellow members of the ruling Politburo Standing Committee for a collective decision, party officials have said.
"He may not be a good leader," said Li, of Brookings, "but the perception out there is that he's a good person."

中国总理不再担任传统角色

他是众所周知的“哭泣的总理”,虽然他更愿意被称为“温爷爷”。
在过去的一个星期里,温家宝马不停蹄的视察了遭受地震灾害的四川北部,他向被困在坍塌建筑下的幸存者们喊话鼓励他们,他与孤儿们在一起时泪流满面。
自从2003年升任总理一职以来,65岁的温家宝已经塑造了一副平易近人的形象,他在历代中国领导人中是相当罕见的,因为他们看似经常把共产党的权力置于个人的需要之上的。
现在,在整个国家与30年来最大的一次自然灾害做斗争的时候,温作为一个充满同情心和爱心的官员的角色已经深入人心。
自从他在地震后两个小时内抵达四川省,他已经不可避免的成为这个国家不幸的公众面孔。
他被媒体反复报道的立场鲜明的人道主义姿态与缅甸统治者的反应形成鲜明的对比,后者因对当地飓风受灾者的反应迟钝而备受谴责。
“他确实热爱普通百姓,我们可以看出来这并非作秀,”王连根(因),都江堰的一位72岁的退休数学教师,他上周亲眼看到总理爬过教学楼的废墟,那里埋了数百个孩子。“他让人民团结得更紧密,也让人民与政府的关系更亲密。”
一些分析人士认为,温家宝不同以往的公众角色可能是预示着党与民众互动方式发生了或多或少的改变。
“他对地震的快速回应和迅速出现在灾区的举动为其他官员开创了一个先例。”中国社科院的政治学家房宁说。
温家宝和他的BOSS,胡锦涛主席,看来都试图在奥运会即将到来之际向世界展示出中国领导人更充满温情,更温和的一面。
在经历了国际社会对中国“镇压”西藏人的强烈反对之后,中国的领导人利用地震来显示他们的“专制”政府在关键时刻是反应迅速的,是关心民众的。
“我认为地震确实可能带来改变,”程立(音),布鲁金斯学会的高级成员说,他认为将于2012年结束第二个任期的温家宝是中国最睿智最注重实干的现代领导人。
即使在四川的表现以前,他说温家宝也是一个中国穷人的维护者,一个放宽法律规范的使用以助于管理国家的倡导者,一个反对保守路线的堡垒。
很多中国人被温家宝和他的真诚,诚实和仁慈所打动,李说,并非很多领导人拥有相同的品质。
温经常谈论民主,但他并非西方式改革的倡议者。他坚持一党统治,对待西藏问题上采用强硬路线,谴责达赖喇嘛煽动三月份的西藏骚乱。
在公开讲话中,温说,中国不担心使用军队的力量来阻止西藏宣布独立。
尽管温精心维护着不关心政治的实干主义者的形象,有讽刺者注意到他并没有因为他干的不错而赢得很高的地位。
“他采用了大量的政治技巧和手腕当上了总理,”Fred Teiwes,悉尼大学的中国政治学教授说到。
温如果不是明哲保身将一无所有,当了一辈子的技术专家型官员,他迎合上级从而进入高层,服从党的纪律,树敌甚少。
他出身于一个教师家庭,是一个受过良好训练的地质学家,他在80年代成为先后成为党的领导人,胡,赵的首席副手。两位领导人都因反对残酷镇压自由主义者而被肃清,但是温仍然待在高位上在更保守的继任者手下继续服务。与大多数中国领导人一样,关于他的更多的资料仍然是一个谜。但是他总是表现得谦卑吝啬。
与让人捉摸不透的远离公众视线的胡不同,温更喜欢口语化的表达方式,即使他的评论总是紧跟着党的文件。不同于他的前任,以诙谐幽默和刚毅果断闻名的朱,在面对严峻的经济政策抉择时,温在服从其他政治局常委成员以达成集体决策之前总是会用数天时间来思考和咨询。
“他可能不是一个好的领导人,”布鲁金斯学会的李说,“但是我们能感受到的是他是一个好人。”

2008年5月23日星期五

绝对民主导致绝对不自由

一个社会组织形态的实验。
1.依靠全民连线,自动搜集民意,全面启动沉默的大多数,忽略精英的存在。
方式不外乎两种:是通过潜意识的刺激获得答案,或者是每天充满了各种各样的投票。
2.投票的前提是:所有信息全部公开,这一切来自于对个人隐私的全面侵犯。但是个人有权利不接入系统,但个人接入的时间信息也同样提供给民众。所有组织的存在前提是为民众提供信息,从而保证了投票的全面客观。
3.投票结果必须得到执行,民意驱动天罚系统。
4.弱点:大多数人对小部分人的暴力依然存在,少数服从多数的准则依然有效。个人自由全面暴露在监督之下。所以,绝对民主带来绝对的不自由。
5.设置权重的结果必然是分化层次。信息的全面无法掩盖个人的处理能力参差不齐。
6.进化之路:无论它以什么形式,名号出现,都替代不了它的权力的本质。权力来源于支配,所以只要解决了支配的可能性,一切都以自愿为准则,就避免了人支配人的情况,但是,人将会把支配的权力交给机器吗?还是交给上帝?还是交给组织?

2008年5月21日星期三

团结,爱国,慈善:一切都是暂时的


By Jaime FlorCruzCNN Beijing Bureau Chief


北京,中国(CNN)--中国历史上最具破坏性的一刻让这个超过10亿人口,由横跨5个时区的不同民族组成的庞大国家凝聚起来,至少是暂时的。
(图)成都的天府广场的集会上,数千人高喊“中国加油”。
一场7.9级的大地震夷平了中国西南部四川省的大部分地区 ,从那之后,这个国家涌起了一片爱国主义和热衷慈善的热潮,而周一,数百万中国人停止一切活动默哀三分钟使这种热潮更具体化了。
在默哀活动结束的时候,“中国加油”的呼声在天安门广场爆发出来,而就在这里,1989年留下了数以百计的人命。(删)
针对政府抗议示威的日子已经过去了,民众的想法也早已改变。
一个学生说:“中国人必须团结起来,我们中国人一定能行!”
周一一些参与游行的人舞动着中国国旗,还有一些人举着“重建四川”等标语。
地方媒体大量报道的死亡和破坏性等可怕的图像触发了爱国主义精神和慈善热情。
中国人常说“一人有难,八方支援”。
在北京,政府官员,演艺圈人士,运动员和艺术家们纷纷参加了一个“马拉松式”的音乐会进行现场募捐并呼吁民众进行更多的捐助。
这次义演征集到了15亿1千万人民币,大概2亿1千6百万美元。
更多的捐助还源源不断的通过其他渠道注入。
根据民政部的消息,截止到周日,中国全国已经向地震救援捐赠了超过49亿的资金和物资。
在中国的电视直播中,民营企业家们承诺为幸存者捐款并为他们筹建免费住房,这在国内慈善活动中并不常见。截止上周六,中国企业的物资捐赠已经超过了35亿元(5亿美元)。
“传统上中国人不会与陌生人共同分享。他们会在朋友和家庭中间彼此分享,但不是陌生人。”中国专家张大兴(音)。
在北京一家名为“书虫”的书店,当地居民捐助的物资会被很迅速的运往受灾地区。
商店的老板Alex Pearson说:“我估计大约有350个箱子,里面有小孩衣服,成人服装,很多睡袋,帐篷,压缩食品,鞋,诸如此类的东西。”
北京地区的学生们纷纷走上街头展开募捐。
“虽然我们不能去四川去救援,但我们仍然可以通过捐款来帮助他们。”一个学生说。
分析人士认为这次空前的慈善活动部分是因为官方对这次的紧急状况反应迅速。
中国媒体反复重播中国总理温家宝安慰幸存者的画面。很多人相信这鼓舞了中国民众去尽全力提供帮助。
与此同时,中国以一副新形象出现在世界面前。
“地震改善了中国的国际形象,从一个压迫者或是集权政府变成了一个自然灾难和人类惨剧的幸存者,”文芳唐(音),匹兹堡大学的政治学教授这样分析。
中国人,至少现在,在大地震之后民众齐心协力,更加团结更富有爱心。



BEIJING, China (CNN) -- One of the most destructive moments in Chinese history is bringing together -- at least temporarily -- this vast nation of more than a billion people, made up of disparate ethnic groups stretching across five time zones.
(图)Thousands chant "China, keep moving" during a rally in Chengdu's Tianfu Square.
1 of 2more photos » When millions of Chinese paused for three minutes of silence Monday, they personified the surge in patriotism and charity that has swept this country since a massive 7.9 magnitude earthquake leveled large sections of Sichuan province in southwestern China.
Moments after the observance ended, chants of "Go, China, Go!" broke out in Tiananmen Square, where a Chinese military crackdown in 1989 left hundreds dead.
Sentiments have changed since the days of the anti-government protests.
"As Chinese we must be united," said a student. "We Chinese can do it!"
Some of Monday's demonstrators waved Chinese flags while others hoisted banners with slogans like "Rebuild Sichuan!" iReport.com: Thousands rally in Chengdu
Horrific scenes of death and devastation -- covered heavily by the local media -- have triggered a surge of patriotism and charity.
"When one is in trouble," the Chinese say, "help comes from all directions."
In Beijing, Chinese officials, entertainers, athletes and artists attended a marathon concert, giving donations and calling on the public to give more.
The benefit concert raised more than 1.51 billion yuan, or $216 million.
More donations are pouring in through other channels. Watch report on how quake has united Chinese »
As of Sunday, Chinese nationals had donated more than 4.9 billion yuan ($700 million) in cash and goods for earthquake relief, according to China's Ministry of Civil Affairs.
Live on Chinese TV, local businesses pledged to give money and build free housing for victims -- an unusual display of civic charity. As of last Saturday, Chinese enterprises had donated more than 3.5 billion yuan ($501 million) in cash and relief goods.
"Traditionally the Chinese people don't share as much with strangers. They share a great deal among friends and family, but not with strangers," according to China analyst Zhang Daxing.
At The Bookworm, a Beijing bookstore, residents drop off relief goods that are promptly shipped to disaster areas.
"My guess would be about 350 boxes, which include kid's clothes, adult clothes, a lot of sleeping bags, tents, dried food, shoes, that type of stuff," said store owner Alex Pearson.
Students in the Chinese capital have even taken to the street to collect donations.
"Although we cannot go to Sichuan to save them, we can still help them with donated money," one student said.
Analysts say this unprecedented display of charity is partly in response to the quick action already taken by Chinese officials to the emergency.
The Chinese media have repeatedly shown Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao comforting survivors. Many believe this has inspired Chinese residents to do what they can to help.
Meantime, a new image of China is emerging around the world.
"The earthquake changed China's international image from an oppressor or an authoritarian government to a victim of natural disaster and human tragedy," said Wenfang Tang, professor of political science at the University of Pittsburgh.
The Chinese, at least for now, are more united as a people and more charitable, as citizens pull together in the wake of a massive earthquake.

2008年5月19日星期一

从今以后是国人


从国旗降下来的那个时候,我们才感觉自己是个活生生的人,而不是躺在那堆档案中的冷冰冰的统计数字。得不到自己国家认可的人,不被承认与国家平等的人,是一个真正的国民么?再进一步,一个没有国家的人,是地球人么?一个得不到正常出生证明的人,是地球人么?
如果老外,来到地球上,他们会跟谁谈判接触呢?废话,当然是人啦!地球人!所以问题就来了,什么样的人算是地球人?首先要考虑的是外星人的思维模式。在他们眼里,什么才是一个星球的代表性物种,然后决定什么才是一个物种的代表性个体?或许他们是一个联合执政的联盟,他们可以接受地球上的联合国派人接待;或许他们是一个中央集权的国家,他们会直接跟美国合作;或许他们是一个无政府的团体,他们会找一个非洲部落的族长?或者,最大的可能,是找一个没有国籍和户口的人!所以,所有黑户的小朋友,不要担心,你们将来有可能作为外交大使,跟老外直接谈判呢!
我们再来模拟一下地球人的思维方式。地球人的官方定义是什么?首先必须生活在地球的引力圈之内。其次必须拥有人所具有的一切特征,荣誉地球公民不考虑在内。再次,必须得到某个合法的组织的承认,这样他的社会关系才能得到确认,他作为人的一切才能有合法的档案。那么在这里面,哪一条最重要呢?从相当长时间来看,第三条,才是判断一个人是否是地球人的关键要素。因为,你没有得到一个组织的承认,说明你的一切社会关系都没有官方的认可。那么你又怎么能证明你是活生生的呢?
如果真有外星人,那么英语中会不会重新发明一个词,来对应HE,SHE,IT.中国人也不能再随意的称呼老外了,或许我们可以叫老天!